Duracraft Boat Aluminum Rivets

The country where we are - part III

The Esmer is on the third floor of a palace on the boulevard that bisects the center of Gaziantep, near the district Armenia without Armenians. Of them are now only houses and churches, people were deported or emigrated many years ago, when things go wrong for Christians. Under the banner painted in red and green stands the inscription "Sanatçı Kahve" coffee of the artists. When you enter, you have to greet everyone present, including the owners, if not by hand at least a nod. Here we use it. A dozen small tables are distributed in the only room in the lower room with chairs around small, the fabric of the padding, once bright, is worn and frayed at the corners. From the rough wall hang oil paintings that give warmth and beauty to the environment, despite its poverty. The windows on the sides facing the street, and from there the afternoon you can see the old men sitting on benches to meditate and turn over the rosary between her fingers, wrapped in their shawls, brown and purple. A large poster of the movie yellowed "Umut" ("Hope") is hanging on the wall near the counter. The hollow face of Yılmaz Güney, actor and director, stands out with small, piercing eyes, surrounded by women and children dressed poorly interpreting his family in the film, as he is bony. All'Esmer Güney you do not know if they teach now. With pride the operator Zafer, a tall and wiry, he will tell you which is the greatest director of turkish cinema: in his films told the Anatolian culture, the life of the Kurds, he was a hothead and has shown the truth, that's why they put him in prison. At one corner, sitting at Çay cooling, Sheriff plays with sentence fragments absorbed saz, looking lost and curls that fall over his forehead, until someone asked him to sing. Ferhat can not stop shaking his leg. He runs his hand in the sparse beard nervously pulling long drags on cigarettes. Watch the door. Then the window. He stops and smiles on my face. Tics do not give him peace, is traversed by a constant anxiety, as if the ants that walk him. It is capable a joy to go from harassing a black humor in a few moments, then clearing with a point-blank question: "What is your political position? ... Believe in God? ... Have you ever been on a mountain at night alone? '. Stops and listens to your response, really care. Behind his glasses, his eyes are moving and friendly, yet there is something inscrutable that stirs in the fund. A need, a pain, a past heavy as a stone. "I am a communist and atheist," she says resolutely, "and for brotherhood among peoples, the nationalists do not like them, of any nation ... no, not even the Kurds. I am Kurdish but this does not mean that we must act like the Turks ... those are not the solution to the mountains, the PKK is, of course I support them, we do not have anything, but if they have taken so far on the pride and hope now we must focus on culture and economic conditions, preserve, forward, with new tools to improve, also legal, as did Musa Anter ... We must take back what they took, to keep our culture alive. The Newroz for example, our New Year's Day, March 21. It is the most important feast of the Kurdish calendar, and also Iran. That there are only sixteen days of national holiday, is not here. Newroz us to meet, we dance, celebrating. But all Turkish institutions militarizing Eastern cities have turned into a day of clashes and protests. Change the meaning of things, you know? Another issue is education, from infant schools to university, which is essential to improve, what takes a Kurd? The more I learn, the more you forget his language, because education is only in turkish. Become a lawyer, doctor, architect and knows nothing of its history. I also have difficulty writing in Kurdish, I learned to do it in turkish. We need more autonomy, recognition of our diversity, so just stop hating Turkey for the lies they teach to our children. Otherwise, the war will continue and we will not get nothing, everyone will lose ... you can not wash blood with blood. Coexistence is possible, but first must stop fascism in Turkey. " Ferhat has settled in Gaziantep only a few years. Thirty-seven years ago was born into a family of shepherds in the mountains of the province of Hakkari sharp, the poorest country in the district of Yüksekova, the most infamous and most remote settlement in the province. Iraq is fifty kilometers to the south, Iran closer, beyond the high mountains, and Yüksekova was an important hub for the caravans of old. Today, the local mafia runs the heroin trafficking to Europe. We grow up under occupation in its village: it is one of the areas which are periodically renewed the "special security measures" and the soldiers entrenched camps on the rock outcrops. Where the pressure to prevent the unfolding of everyday life, it is more likely to opt for extreme choices. Many friends of Ferhat have chosen the path of the mountains, some are dead. He tells me that he would not have left but not the time. "At sixteen I went to prison. What have I done? Nothing! I had some books on socialism and I was with older kids ... one day I came to pick them took me too. Eleven years I've spent the best years of his life ... you know, it is absurd to some but the prison Sometimes I miss. Among the politicians were like brothers, people were more true. There was solidarity. Here are only out the money, even people on the street looks at you, all ready to fuck at the first opportunity, especially in Gaziantep. And I've got no money. I live for friends, if I had I would have killed them a long time. " The Esmer starts to fill, it is getting dark and the faces of those who have finished work or to study talk about the need to stay together. Ferhat abi , older brother, is not short of embracing the "family" but then goes back to my table, he wants to open tonight. "I want to study philosophy at university. I do not know why ... I like to read, Nietzsche in particular. Even if I wanted after I can not teach, ex-prisoners public competitions are prohibited. What should a guy like me? Only die I tell you ... My girlfriend left me after six years. Hath been sick of waiting. In my culture, if you do not have a house and money you can not ask to marry and find jobs that are not enough. Luckily, it does not matter Esmer ... To my children, if they ever will have, the Kurdish teach him. This is my first language! The turkish I learned from seven years ... when I went to school the teacher did not understand, then came home and said to my mother, "I do not go to school! because I have to learn turkish? He can not learn Kurdish? ". Then Mother convinced me and now I know two languages. " Sheriff's voice, sweet and plaintive, began chanting "Giderim" Ahmet Kaya. They put the chairs in a circle around the stove and we join them. Here the past comes back to gusts of wind that sweeps away the supposed uniqueness. Before my eyes, there are Turks, Kurds, Laz, zaza, Circassians, some pieces of the cultural mosaic of Turkey shuffled into the bar. The membership of each wire is inextricably linked to the other. You can feel the overlapping stories, held together by simple things: work, love, music, weapons. A dizzying narrow differences about feelings. Ferhat seems to understand what goes into my mind and without stopping to beat with his hands on my knees saying " It's like the Kurds, can not erase the feelings! Why did they call Turkey? United States of Anatolia had to call them! '.

back home alone at night on the outskirts of Antep. The colored lights in a garden where you listen to music and smoking shisha is an island in the pitch dark of a few feet away. A darkness that continues and expands, stretches to the plains of Anatolia, the mountains, sometimes illuminated by the forgotten villages on the valley floors, wrought by the power madness of the metropolis, but by the inexorable Black Sea to the Mediterranean covers the hungry land of Turkey. Resist the efforts of the men at night, sleep inducing, which leads to oblivion. The effort of a man driven by great ideas of independence was able to persuade other men to conquer those boundaries within which the home is built. The ideas of Turkishness, the essence of exclusive, unique identity, which alone in his vision could bring together diverse membership toward a common goal, are stones in the cemeteries, government buildings in stone, stone prisons. And the same ideas are also fires, energy, engines and turbines, mediations between ancient and modern, holds in relapsed groping men in history to a place they can call home. In the dark, waving flags do not stop in the darkness cleared languages \u200b\u200bcontinue to whisper their presence. The light is the eternal night of someone for someone else, because this idea does not leave me in peace and go up the hill? Other boundaries, other divisions, these may just be the way to self-determination of a people? Then persecute other differences, and so on ... a car stops close to my feet and brings me back into the cold night on the road for a way to climb in Gaziantep. Smiling boys offer me a ride, I read the kindness in his eyes. Jumping up and roared off. I regret to be alive even if I do not know who I am, I do not know where they are. Every word that new learning is a new way of being, anyway, a man.

Compering Notes For Aannual Day Function

The country where we are not - Part II

Gaziantep is a city with no beginning and no end. As his story. Ancient human settlement, passed through many hands, the destinies of different people are leaning against each other as the dead in a mass grave. The memory has many languages \u200b\u200bthat do not understand each other. The last of its elderly has seen so many he has left only a god to ask account of the sense of it all. And the speed of change is rising. Gaziantep today, one of the centers of production and Turkey's most important business. On its territory there are four industrial clusters of small and medium-sized enterprises that make the economy more dynamic and expanding Europe. The textile and food production drive, and are a source of employment in a position to just under farming and stock raising, local roots and optimized by means of machinery and engineers. The famous "factories", the promise of work and dignity for the armies of hungry arms in all countries with an emerging economy, there are. Here and in Diyarbakir, Sirnak not, not in Hakkari, a majority Kurdish areas affected by the fighting and a latent injury that leads to the consequent lack of confidence investors. Gaziantep instead enjoys a good reputation, not only for the pistachios and the food but also for being faithful to the directives Kemalists, at least superficially. The last attack, thirty people dead and destroyed a police station, dating back more than ten years ago. Currently, it is often cited as a symbol of Turkey's economic growth. The city is also involved in one of the largest regional investment plans in the world, the GAP (Güneydoğu Anadolu Projesi), a major project under development involves the construction of twenty-two dams on the Tigris and Euphrates, contingent in South East for the production of electricity and to facilitate the irrigation of desert areas. Other categories action plan consist of investments for the cultural enhancement of these key areas in tourism. The aim of the government, as well as to attract foreign capital, is raise the standard of living in areas east of the country, historically considered the weak link in society and the economy. Will be guaranteed employment and social inclusion, say politicians from Istanbul and Ankara. The illusion of inclusion that continues to attract masses of immigrants from Gaziantep to villages and countryside. The population has soared in just over fifty years: from about three hundred thousand people in the middle of last century, has reached to over one million and a half today, according to figures officers, in reality many more. It is not only the charm of the growing metropolis, with its European-style houses, pubs beer and five-story shopping centers, to serve as a magnet. With the industrial organization of agricultural labor economy of the remote villages and settlements has been altered, causing a progressive impoverishment. The wave of modernization has devastated the lives of farmers and shepherds have become foreigners in their own home, living fossils, although they are still the majority. Another process that has gone on since the founding of the Republic is the displacement of the inhabitants of entire villages in the east by the army. In the first half of the twentieth century, operations were aimed at the response to continued Republican power, and were taken to redistribute the Kurds in Turkey as well wear out the drive. The mass transfer also affect the other part of the country from west to the central government sent in all offices and schools in Eastern officials and their families who spoke only turkish, teaching to address the state with due language. Among the eighties and nineties, however, thousands of Kurdish villages were razed to the ground in order to remove the popular support, spontaneous or forced, the guerrillas of the PKK (Kurdistan Workers' Party), political party and paramilitary claiming rights autonomy Kurds, who for thirty years and engages with the institutions of the Turkish war inside the country. To guerrilla ambushes and mines, the army responded with reprisals and bombings in an attempt to flush out the PKK from the mountains on the border with Iraq. To date, there are over forty thousand deaths clashes and attacks. War, poverty and deportations have increased dramatically in major Turkish cities, transforming them into monsters protean of endless suburbs built by wild palazzinari. Istanbul, with a population of over fifteen million inhabitants, of whom two million are Kurds, is the symbol of the uncontrolled process. Even Gaziantep, in its furthest reaches, it expands out of order: the popular buildings are scattered like a flock in the moonscape of rubble and pastures. The space there is for now, and is ground relentlessly. In other areas of the city, climb the hills, the largest Kurdish ghettos, made up of cubicles or just miserable huts, the antithesis to the achievements of economic slow-growing middle class, which symbolizes the aspiration for social status up to the majority the dispossessed.

"Remember, in the east there is only three things: dust, dirt and hypocrisy," he says Prof. Nuri sitting at his desk in his study. Age of indecipherable not old and no longer young, medium height, physical dry, his hair turn a smoky gray with white spots like milk, which sometimes has thin lips smiling but as per agreement, without force, without joy. He teaches sociology at the University of Gaziantep public for ten years, is originally from Kurdish Kilis, a village on the Syrian border, surrounded by minefields. Often invites me to drink the coffee that you do on a hot plate, a passion. Not the turkish coffee, we would point out, but the long, aqueous an American car. On the walls, I recognize the familiar face of Gramsci in a photo in black and white. There are also Adorno, Balzac, Rousseau and Yashar Kemal. The picture Atatürk, omnipresent in all public offices, is missing here, and this absence speaks for itself. On the opposite wall, a poster with a drawing of a woman dancing the flamenco in a symphony of colors. Nuri I often talk about the time he was in Spain to hold a conference on rural villages in the Middle East, with a touch of pride. Gaziantep, a country that considers the outskirts of the province, is the close. Since, however, does not think, here have a family, two children growing up and his studies, tasks that are given. Behind those gray eyes flecked with green, there are conclusions and seeing bitter cold on the state of things, gained by dint of consuming shoes around the city between the asphalt and gravel roads villages. It combines the fingers before his face and looks sideways at me, quietly nestled in the calculation of someone used to judge who is in front, before you speak. Can be open with me. "I will tell you at university, but know that the wheel turns with the blood of civilization. The reason is simple: a people, a culture, a State needs to survive. If the state lacks a different culture, a minority, is considered deviant, and is destined to disappear. Create a State does not mean that killing another or bend those who oppose it. Cancel them, like here a hundred years with the Kurds ... the Kurds ... the ideas that lead to a state not born in rural areas, life there is repeated identical in itself, outside of history. And that's where we come from the countryside, the consciousness of people has come when we have decided to remove it. Kurdish tribes in the nineteenth century they waged war with each other for a piece of land ... probably live in isolation has preserved the language and customs, at the bottom of the narrow-mindedness is also a method of survival, but today is our conviction. " I feel the anger of Nuri hovering in the room. A lucid anger that spares nothing to both parties, as an orphan raised accusing parents and guardians of the world that have left and who has not had time to change. "You know what the Turkish identity? the face of power. And power is not the means, but the end. The identity must be produced and enhanced to ensure obedience, people must love the fact that Turkish and nothing else ... A mechanism set in motion by the founder of this State. Now, the power states in humans in two ways: with the triumph and humiliation. To understand the triumphalism take the national memory, a historian who has nothing. A sampling of events because of very short memories and oblivion, a few other things repeated endlessly and completely removed ... they kill half of a village and changed the name to make it forget, how did that today is called Dersim Tunceli While ... Instead, battles of liberation, the death of martyrs, the flag, the life of Atatürk is the religion that all must confess. Is taught from childhood, to school children repeat "I mutlu turkum diyene" (turkish happy is he who can say, the most famous sentence of Atatürk), read it over the mountains and on the streets and eventually end up believe it! '. The coffee in the cup is over, Nuri is quick to fill it again. Go and have a look in the hallway, then closes the door. Our eyes meet, accomplices, and sat down again. He does not want to be bothered or do not want others to feel. "The humiliation is more practical and more subtle. Made The Kurds feel a social handicap. Kurdish equivalent of primitive, undeveloped. Nobody gets to work if you speak only Kurdish, and if you want to study, books that are in our language can be counted on one hand. These are the same Kurdish families who want their children to forget where they come from, and the terrible thing is that they do for their own good. Are you proud to be Kurdish, you are an enemy of the fatherland, for surely you are conspiring to divide, you're the terrorists. The government propaganda has grown more than a generation in hatred, the young Turks of Kurdish language now automatically connect to the bombs and the soldiers killed, they feel discomfort when they hear it on the street. What remains to be done to a Kurd who wants to integrate? Put the past behind and embrace the symbols of the Republic. It's called assimilation, and even while you're in, you realize it you do to survive ... I have been able, by separating the Kurds from the past have divided them in this. " Nuri say to the current AKP government, the Islamic party line, seems willing to open themselves to claims of greater cultural rights to Kurds. The "national pact of brotherhood" towards minorities and the recognition of the existence of a "Kurdish question" are steps in this direction. Even the opening of the first Kurdish television channel last year and the repeal of laws against publications newspapers and videos in Kurdish augur well. "I do not have much hope. The tension has eased, it is true, but the conditions of our exclusion of the slower we are destined to disappear, have not changed. This country, from its birth, is under the control of the military, which does not cede power easily. There is the Republic, but until 1950 there was a single party. Later, the little democratic process was three times interrupted by coups, and in 1980 the Army has rewritten the constitution. There are still laws like Article 301 that punishes insulting Turkish identity and homeland, in practice self-criticism is banned ... The constitutional law against those fomenting separatism is a pillar of this order. The Kurdish party DTP was closed for alleged contacts with the PKK, good job! Now the square have left only the extremists ... The same climate of suspicion and fear surrounding those who provide information or simply manifest. Journalists uncomfortable slamming into them with a pretext. They have no problem even with kids, you know how olds crowded prisons? This would be a country that aspires to join Europe? The AKP is doing his interests, wants to broaden its electoral base as possible. At the bottom is a neurotic middle class and the afternoon goes to the mosque to do the namaz and evening looks TV drinking beer ... The AKP is putting up a new center of power by placing his men in the places that count and discrediting their enemies. They stink of patriarchy, defend Islamic ideology that attracts acclaim but only interested in money ... there is too much hypocrisy. Too much. " Nuri looks out to the scattered clouds. The pessimism of this man is probably realistic given from having integrated with the blood and pain the art of judging. He was lieutenant in the army for seven years before becoming a professor, sent east to fight the "terrorists". He speaks reluctantly, and only once managed to cavargli a fragment of memory: "In the mountains ... you feel lost, those huge spaces, the snow, you stick to the orders and classmates. I was young, I knew vaguely that I was betraying the Kurds, but I needed to prove turkish. I fought and I've seen ... the torture, the abuse, I have seen the truth. Our enemy was not less. In war the first thing to die are the ideal ... We have done some horrible things over there ... in the end I despised my soldiers, and even myself. As long as the field I do not forgive. " I do not know if it was the coffee or his words to make me come up with a pounding tachycardia. I feel suffocated, the walls shrink around. Do I have the white face, because Nuri me a pat on the back and says he quit. We smoke a cigarette outside, with students who crowd the paths of the university. We stay there for a while ', no more talking, just looking around.

Rubbermaid Versus Elfa

The country where we are - part

Road East, vast horizons and militarized borders. Old asleep on the cart to slow gait, dreaming in a language forbidden. Up there in the clouds and hawks, the columns of Pêşmerge, warriors "standing in front of death," their way through the undergrowth of mountain running, singing, thinking about house in the remote village, to eat the meat of veal that evening, weapons hidden in an underground cavern. The border police were used to guard the division of Kurdistan do not know who has more than a thousand years, performing only orders angrily smoking smuggled cigarettes, praying that they do not stick, at least not while they are there. Because the Kurds do not bend: can you beat them indefinitely, raising your head. There are those who fought, those who work through legal channels to something resembling independence, those who live simply, those who forget, as time separates them and change them, as they are scattered in four states and around the world. Destined to bilingualism Kurds, their language and that of the country that they have incorporated, in the grip of citizenship and belonging. Iran suspected of separatist sympathies to them hangs a noose, the Kurds in Syria is not even granted an identity card, in Turkey want to eradicate from the head. Only you can say in northern Kurdistan and be received with a smile, a hug. In the Federal Government of Iraq since 2005 there is the autonomous region of Kurdistan, with its parliament, its schools, its army. Since the legendary hero Mustafa Barzani, leader of the revolt began to be recognized as independent and culture as a political entity, rivers of blood continued to flow. But today, from Erbil to Suleymaniye, The official language is Kurdish.

Once I spent a whole night sitting in a friend's house in Diyarbakir listening to an old man who sang the dengbêj , sung story that for centuries has been the form of transmission stories between the generations of Kurds. After remaining absorbed in the mellow vocals and harsh for hours, the elderly and children around were exhausted, his face dreamily. The women brought the food in large round plates of iron, while sipping tea and I asked my friend what that story meant, what he spoke. Together with bitter and ironic expression told me that he did not know, only understood a few words of Kurdish, I do not ever speak in his daily life. The old man who was his grandfather had sung.

In his report to the command of sull'assedio Antep, the French Colonel Brigadier Marcel Abadie wrote in 1921: "The population is made up of Turkish Antep (large majority) of Kurds, Armenians, Circassians and the Kurds ... some Jews may be regarded as a breed, their types differ considerably from the type and Mongolian turkish, live above their villages in the plains, except for some semi-nomadic groups who practice transhumance ... Overall, the Kurds are a highly brutal race of warriors, looters on occasion, extremely robust and very well armed by the spoils of raids to the Russians. They dream of creating a large Kurdish state encompassing all countries in the west, east and south of the Euphrates, but should point out that most of the Kurdish tribes have made common cause with the Kemalist in the fight against the French. " Following the First World War and the signing of the Treaty of Sevres, the remnants of the Ottoman Empire had been divided by European powers in their respective areas of influence. In 1920, the British occupied the north of Iraq, the French were quartered in the south-east Anatolia and Syria, to the Italians ENTITLED areas of Adana and Konya. To the west, on the shores of the Mediterranean, Izmir had fallen under the blows of the Greeks who advanced with a compelling series of victories on the field, I decided to annex parts of Thrace and Anatolia. Constantinople and the Sultan remained motionless under the control of occupation forces. The West was playing dice shots and shells of the members still live in the "Sublime Porte." From its headquarters established in Ankara, the war veteran Mustafa Kemal Paşa prepared to fight the invaders nurturing the dream of a homeland in Turkey. The Kemalist, which he took the name and almost all came from the armed forces as he ammutinatesi the Sultan, had been sent on his orders in the occupied territories to organize exercise endurance and prepare to do battle. The skilful policy of Kemal was able to inspire in the minds of the population exhausted by war and occupation by a feeling of revenge for national identity, managing to secure consensus for former subjects in search of identity. At the same time, he had strategically acknowledged the Kurdish nationalists in the new Constitution of Ankara, in order to secure the support of the Kurdish tribes of the east. Turks and Kurds have fought together, and together they ruled the nascent country. Once established the new state, the Kurds would be guaranteed the administrative autonomy of their territories, these were the terms. In September 1922 almost all of Turkey had been freed. In early 1923 the Turkish Republic was formally proclaimed and Mustafa Kemal became its first president. Once established, the internal sovereignty and legitimacy have reached the international level, policy towards the Kurds Kemal changed. In the elections for the new National Assembly no Kurdish MP was admitted to the House. In 1924 the first decree was issued forbidding the use of Kurdish language in public schools and for each publication, the turkish was imposed as the sole official language. All the promises made to the Kurdish people in time of war were betrayed. In the dust of Antep, Kurds and Turkish soldiers had fought side by side, but while the corpses of rotting dead still on the battlefield, were divided: one made heroes, the other forgotten. The city had a special mention for bravery, was added to the code of Gazi, a veteran, the name Antep Turkish nationalist ideology made him one of its strongholds. "There are people in the presence of any truth which sounds like a lie" Vasily Grossman wrote in Stalin's Russia. Want to talk about the Kurds in Turkey, their stories have no place in the chronicles official burns the ears of middle-class liberals like to illiterate peasants who have sent their children to the front. The conversation stops, the answers are sharpened between the teeth and become resentful, the reason clouds are polluted from the tentacles of declarations of principle, to memorize: "The Kurds are not there, you can only find those on Turkish mountains," "They killed so many to join his country, as many more will die to defend its unity." Looking at it closely, the border of Kurdistan is a wound which secretes a surge dense and dark, sticky. If you want to hear the voices you need to go and rip the silence.